Roman gladiator gaming at Council of Five Nations 2016

Historical miniature gaming has been a hobby of mine since college or earlier. A few years ago, I became interesting in Roman gladiator conflicts and other arena events as a focus for wargaming. I soon painted up some figures, created a model arena, and found a set of rules and ran a few games. One of these was at a local convention called The Council of the Five Nations. These are photos of that game.

I used a set of rules called Red Sand, Blue Sky from a company called Two Hour Wargames. Although I have since moved on to a different set of rules for the period, Hoc, Habet, Hoc from Flagship Games, I had several interesting games with this set of rules although ultimately I found them a bit too mechanical and limited for my tastes. In these rules each turn requires that the players determine initiative and then each gladiator engages in a sequence of actions. To mark which player moved his figure when, a sequence that shifted each turn and depended on the characters' abilities as well as a random dice roll, poker chips with numbers were used.

The players conduct their moves.

Here you can see part of the game, four gladiators, two heavily armored Myrmillo and two lightly armored Retarii armed with a net and trident pair off for battle. This was a historically authentic match.

You can see here that the order of play is determined and marked with the numbered Poker Chips.

A Myrmillo manuevers to attack a retarius from the flank.

The Retarius has thrown his net and missed. It lies nex to a heavily armored Myrmillo making recovery of the net difficult. Can the lightly armored gladiator survive the match?

I've run the game again in 2017 and will be running it again this year in 2018 using a new set of rules (Hoc, Habet, Hoc) and also having upgraded and improved my arena. I look forward to showing more photos of the result.

Martin Van Buren House

In upstate New York,  not too far south from Albany but on the opposite, eastern, side of the Hudson River, lies the former home of Martin Van Buren, the eight president of the USA. Today his home has been restored and is a National Historic Site. Tours are given by Park Rangers, and there is a also a film show and a bookstore. In my opinion, the site is well worth an hour and a half visit.

What follows are pictures of my visit, but you can see the official National Park Service site here:
https://www.nps.gov/mava/index.htm

Martin Van Buren was a single term president. He served from 1837-1841 and was the first US President to serve who was born after independence from Great Britain. Curiously, and as an ESL teacher writing in the midst of an anti-immigrant time, I find it fascinating that while native born, his first language was not English, but Dutch. Many readers will remember that New York was originally settled by the Dutch, only later becoming a British possession, and at this time there were still large Dutch speaking communities in New York State including much of the upstate New York, upper Hudson River, Albany and Rensselaer County areas. For most of his life and time in office, said the Ranger who gave the tour, Van Buren was embarrassed by the fact that when he became excited or agitated, his Dutch accent tended to emerge and become thicker.

Van Buren was born and raised in upstate New York. His father was a tavern owner and he was third of five children, although his mother had three other children, his two half-brothers and his half sister, from a previous marriage.  The tavern was an important local meeting place and it was often used for political meetings. As one of  the key issues in the USA during Van Buren's political career was slavery, and Van Buren's relationship and attitude to that institution has come under intense scrutiny, it is worth mentioning that his father did own a small number of slaves who worked and assisted in the tavern and Van Buren did grow up in a slave owning family at a time when slavery was legal in New York State. 

Timeline copyright 2012 by Encyclopedia Brittanica, no ownership of this image is claimed nor should one be implied.

In 1796 he was apprenticed to a lawyer, learned this trade, and in 1803 opened his own practice with his half-brother James Van Alen. In 1897, he married a cousin named Hannah and the couple had four children before she passed away 12 years later from tuberculosis. He did not remarry and raised four sons as a widower.

Van Buren became active in state politics, and played the political game well in order to get ahead and meet his objectives. In fact, his critics called him shiftless and devious for hiding his beliefs and shifting alliances with the factions that dominated the state's political scene. In 1812 he was elected to the New York State Senate and ultimately became New York State Secretary of State. Van Buren was instrumental in creating the Albany Regency, seen by many as a prototype for the political machines that came to dominate not just Albany but much of the country for years, and, in some locations, even to the present time.

In 1828, he ran for governor and won but resigned only 12 weeks later in order to take a post as Andrew Jefferson's Secretary of State. He had worked for years to support Jackson in this, Jackson's second bid for the presidency. He became an important part of Jackson's cabinet during a particularly tumultuous time in American politics. 

In 1832, Van Buren became Jackson's vice-president.In 1836 he became president himself and served for a single term. Van Buren's party passed him over for re-election and James Polk ran for president in his stead in 1836, winning the next election. Van Buren retired, spent the next few years in Europe, and then returned to live much of the rest of his life at this mansion in upstate New York. 

The key events during his four years in office including avoiding war with Canada during a dispute over the Maine-New Brunswick border, controversy on whether or not to admit Texas into the Union (he was opposed as they were a slave state), and an economic crisis. Despite being largely against slavery (although his own life showed an ambivalent attitude towards the institution at times. He had owned slaves at one point until slavery became illegal in New York in 1827.

Copyright Encyclopedia Britannica

While President, Martin Van Buren was against slavery but was more interested in preserving the union. Some of his actions in this area are troubling, including supporting the sending the slaves who rose up and took over the Amistad to Cuba, where they had been heading as slaves, instead of working for a resolution where they would be free. He also was the President who oversaw the removal of the Cherokee and Seminole Indians from their homelands (the long, draining cost of the Seminole War was one problem in his Presidency.) 

Photos of the Mansion Today

Main living room

Kitchen

Indoor toilets believe it or not (well, it is upstate New York and it does get cold in winter)

A Park Ranger offers a free tour. The tour was quite good and the Ranger quite knowledgable.

Links to More Information

National Park Service Martin Van Buren National Historic Site

University of Virginia, Miller Center, Martin Van Buren

wikipedia

Encyclopedia Britannica

Accessible Archives

New Netherlands Institute

The National Monument's Nature Trails and Preserve

Smallpox in China, History of a Disease and its Response.

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Recently I wrote of Gavin Menzies and his writings advocating, among other things, a complete pre-Colombian series of Chinese discoveries of the Americas, Australia, and, quite honestly, pretty much anything that is generally considered to have been unknown to the Europeans and Chinese of the 15th Century. ( See Did the Chinese discover America? Is Gavin Menzies a genius? Hell, no. Smallpox shows they did not. June 05, 2018 ). I argued there that if the Chinese had arrived in America before the Europeans, then they, not the Europeans, would have brought the first smallpox epidemic to the new world. Here, in a paper from my graduate level studies at Cornell, I write about smallpox in China and its history.

Smallpox in China, 
History of a Disease and its Response.

From: https://www.historyofvaccines.org/index.php/content/chinese-smallpox-inoculation 

Historically smallpox has been one of the most devastating diseases to affect mankind. Therefore it should be no surprise that throughout history not only has there been great fear of smallpox, but that there has also been a great interest in identifying, treating and protecting from the disease. This paper covers the history of smallpox in pre-modern China and the response to the disease.

WHAT IS SMALLPOX?

     Before one can cover the history of smallpox in China, it would help to give some background on the disease itself and its effects and status in today’s world.

     Today smallpox is considered eradicated in nature, but since stockpiles are known to exist in the United States and Russia, and since it is possible that there may be secret stockpiles elsewhere,[1] there is still a great fear of the disease.[2]

     Smallpox is caused by a virus called the variola virus. It is related to cowpox, monkeypox and vaccinia and a member of the family poxviridae and the genus orthopoxvirus.[3]

     This virus is spread by person-to-person contact, primarily by either droplets expelled from the oropharynx of an affected person or by direct contact with skin lesions or respiratory secretions. The disease can also be spread by contact with contaminated laundry or clothing, a common vector of transmission during historical outbreaks.[4] 

     When the virus infects a person, incubation lasts about twelve days, at which time the affected person develops the following signs and symptoms: abrupt fever, malaise, rigors, headache, backache and vomiting. Fifteen percent of those affected develop changes in mental status and often exhibit delirium. Two to three days after this event, a rash appears on the face, hands and forearms. Later the rash spreads, reaching the lower extremities. In eight to fourteen days the rash begins to scab and heal, often leaving scars.[5] This rash first appears in the mucosa of the mouth and pharynx.[6]    

     The rash is marked by eruption of papules at first, these then progress into vesicles, then pustules and eventually change into pock marks.[7]  In the days before the eradication of smallpox, when the disease was endemic, these scars were common and greatly feared. In ancient China, it was reported that such scars usually lasted one year.[8]

     Today the primary means of dealing with smallpox is through prevention done through widespread immunization programs. Should the disease reappear, however, perhaps through a terrorist attack, emergency personnel are trained to provide respiratory and contact isolation of all affected or potentially affected persons. These patients should also be quarantined for seventeen days.[9] Although the time that the virus can live outside of a human body is unknown with certainty, it is probably several months.[10]

          Hypochlorite solutions inactivate the smallpox virus outside of a person, reducing its chance of spread, but treatment of infected people is mostly supportive since once affected anti-biotics will not kill smallpox as it is caused by a virus. It is estimated that thirty percent of those affected will die, and that even though immunization is recommended, immunization is considered to be only 97% effective in preventing the disease from developing in those exposed.[11]   

     It is a deadly virus and undoubtedly it is significant that it not just provoked fear historically, but that it continues to provoke fear today.  

SMALLPOX IN CHINESE HISTORY

     There is great debate over the date of the first smallpox outbreak in China. Although the first known report of an outbreak dates from the late third or fourth century A.D., the report is of a historical nature and there is great debate as to the time period it refers to when describing the outbreak.[12] Many Chinese believed the disease to have arrived in China carried by foreign soldiers.[13]  

     From the fourth century, Chinese were able to clinically identify smallpox. It was referred to as "bean lesion" or "bean eruption." At this time the Chinese believed that the disease was caused by a poisonous form of qi.[14]

      Despite this belief, in China from this time onward, there were many theories about how smallpox was spread. The 610 A.D., medical text, the Zhu bing yuan hou lun, states that smallpox was caused by an over-accumulation of heat toxin and that it originated from being hurt in the winter or else from unseasonable qi.[15]  

From the fifth century onwards, however, there was a shift in the perception of smallpox in China. Since the disease was endemic, and since people were usually affected only once, as exposure and survival conferred immunity upon the survivors, the majority of people who caught smallpox were children. This was because while most adults had been exposed, children had often not yet been exposed. Because of this, from the Five Dynasties period and the Song and Yuan Dynasties period, smallpox was widely regarded as a children’s or pediatric disease.[16] 

     After the Song period, these two ideas became combined and it was widely believed that smallpox was caused by “fetal toxins” (zang fu) passed from the mother during pregnancy whose effect was then triggered by certain external factors.[17] Treatments and preventative measures varied widely as did belief in the details of the causes of the disease.[18] 

During the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), smallpox was rare among the peoples to the north of China, so rare that most Chinese considered the disease to be non-existent among them.[19] Among Chinese, however, the disease was still common. Theories about the disease and its spread shifted further, and the disease and its spread became interpreted with the concepts of systemic correspondence such as described in the Huang-ti nei Ching, including the five phases of matter and a complex system that described the spread and effects of the disease using a cycle of 60 days and other correspondences.[20]  

Nevertheless, it was still believed that even if there were predetermining factors, an external agent was needed to provoke the onset of smallpox. For instance, if a child were to become frightened, angry or fall down, or eat an unhealthy, overly spicy diet, or be nursed by a woman who ate an overly spicy diet, then these, as well as other factors, were believed to cause the disease to erupt.[21]  

It was theorized that since there was no evidence of people in China in ancient times having smallpox, the early Chinese were wiser and had lived lives of careful moderation and had thus avoided provoking the onset of the disease.[22] 
     As for the northerners, although they too were seen as having been exposed to “fetal toxins,” they were also seen as not having been exposed to “hot qi” prior to having entered the southern regions such as China.

Prior to the late Ming dynasty, smallpox was so widespread as to be seen as natural, and this perception of smallpox as a natural thing affected treatment decisions. As Chang Chia Feng wrote in his essay “Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China”:

Since most of the population had undergone this predictable development, people gradually became convinced that contracting smallpox was an inevitable fate. Smallpox was seen as a common event in life, and was considered as a crucial turning point in determining whether or not a child would grow up successfully. Developing smallpox was thought to be as natural and usual a phenomenon as a snake shedding its skin. It inspired physicians to assert that smallpox should be allowed to run its course spontaneously, and did not need medical treatment at all. Providing treatment to those with “shang deng dou” (first class smallpox) or “zhuang yuan dou” (grade one smallpox) could be dangerous or even fatal. The pox of such were seen as normal and good. Those which   demanded medical treatment were exceptional types of smallpox, whose pox were considered abnormal in appearance, and which were attributed to various causes, such as having received too much tai du [fetal toxins], or having disobeyed the restriction of touching any filth or stinking substance in the course of the disease. [23]    

Needham states that during this time people would pray not to avoid smallpox but instead simply to ask for a mild attack, a happy recovery and not too much scarring.[24]  

VARIOLATION AND IMMUNIZATION ARE INVENTED IN CHINA

In the late Ming dynasty, however, the situation changed when the Chinese invented variolation.[25] Variolation was a technique for inducing a small attack of the virus in a person in a controlled or semi-controlled fashion. When this was done the body would develop anti-bodies to fight the virus and from then on the chances of infection were greatly reduced. 

 The Chinese of the time however, unaware of anti-bodies or germ theory, naturally had their own explanation as to why variolation worked. The believed the process was  designed to rid the body of the “fetal poisoning” and accompanied it with various rituals that were supposed to help with effectiveness.[26] Although at first variolation was only practiced by a small group of radical healers, it ultimately became more accepted as the secrecy surrounding the technique broke down.[27]

Chang Chia-feng states that there were five different forms of variolation, although he does not give the details.[28]

One method was to take the scabs from a child with a mild case of smallpox, grind the scabs into a powder, mix the powder with water or wine, dip a cotton ball into the mixture, and then place the cotton ball inside a person's nasal passage thus exposing them to the disease.[29]

Needham provides a detailed passage describing the technique:

Method of storing the incolum (Tshang Miao Fa).

           Wrap the scabs carefully in paper and put them into a small container bottle. Cork it tightly so             that the activity (chhi) is not dissipated. The container must not be exposed to sunlight nor                   warmed beside a fire. It is best to carry it for some time on the person so that the scabs dry                   naturally and slowly. The container should be marked clearly with the date on which the                       contents was taken from the patient.

In winter the material has Yang chhi within it, so it remains active even after being kept from thirty to forty days. But in summer the Yang chhi will be lost in approximately twenty days. The best inoculum is that which has not been left too long, for when the Yang chhi is abundant it will give a ‘take’ with nine persons out of ten; but as it gets older it gradually loses its activity, giving perhaps a ‘take’ with only five five out of ten people –and finally it becomes completely inactive, and will not work at all. In situations where new scabs are rare and the requirement is great, it is possible to mix new scabs with the more aged ones, but in this case more of the powder should be blown into the nostril when the inoculation is gone.[30]     

Needham also states that in the Chung Tou Chih Chang, and eighteenth century text, the “innoculum” (material for inoculating”) was either lymph or scabs and was carried in a bamboo tube, carefully corked. The material was supposed to be carried in the physician’s pocket where it could “receive qi” unless the weather was quite hot in which  case it should be stored in a cool place.[31]

Some pre-modern Chinese physicians also advocated the sharing of clothing between persons affected with smallpox and those unaffected in order to provoke an onset of the disease and confer immunity upon a person, although others argued that this was not an effective method of immunization. Naturally this was explained in terms of transferring qi.[32]

Since the Manchus came from an area where smallpox was rare, they tended to catch the disease in large numbers when exposed and thus had a particularly great fear of the disease. [33]

During the reign of Kangxi during the Ching dynasty, Zhu Chunghu was sent to practice variolation among the Mongols.[34] In the seventh year of his reign, the Emperor Kang-xi implemented a program to begin the variolation of the imperial family. He then also began variolation among the Mongols.[35] 

THE SPREAD OF VARIOLATION

The exact origins and spread of variolation are uncertain, but the Turks also used the practice.[36]

Although Needham admits the Europeans learned of immunization from the Turks, he also argues that not only could the Europeans have learned it earlier if they had paid more attention to the Chinese, but he also argues that the Turks actually did learn the practice from the Chinese in the first place.[37] For instance, Needham says that Europeans first learned of immunization and variolation “just before 1700 A.D.” in letters from China to the “Royal Society.”[38]  

Although there’s controversy and swirling claims over the exact course of events, one generally accepted view is that Europeans learned of immunization when the wife of an eighteenth century Turkish ambassador learned of Turkish “smallpox parties.” At these parties persons would expose themselves to smallpox in a controlled fashion in order to induce a mild case of the disease. Once having survived a mild case of the disease they knew the likelihood of catching smallpox in the future was miniscule.[39]

Edward Jenner is credited with having invented an early form of modern inoculation in 1798 in England.[40]

Jennerian Vaccination was introduced into China by Dr. Alexander Pearson in 1805. It was taken up only slowly. There were many technical problems involving the preservation and obtaining of vaccines.[41] Free vaccinations were offered by charitable organizations and institutions. [42]  One response was to sinicize the theory of the Jennerian vaccine, finding its roots or justification within Chinese tradition:

Because the cow is an animal which belongs to Earth, Human spleen belongs to Earth. Using Earth, the same Qi will mutually stimulate, the same category will mutually breed. Therefore, it can have such an effect.[43]

One 1817 Chinese discussion mentioned vaccination being done through acupuncture points.[44] Although inoculation had many advantages over variolation, such as a better theoretical base, easier delivery and improved safety, all of which facilitated the mass inoculations that led to the conquest of smallpox, variolation continued in China, particularly in rural areas, well into the twentieth century. Naturally economics was one reason for this but there were also many who simply preferred variolation, considering it to cause less suffering and produce less pockmarks than inoculation.[45] 

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, smallpox was historically one of the most feared and deadly of diseases, both inside and outside China. The Chinese interpreted this disease through their own cultural framework and explained its spread through the same theoretical framework. Treatments were also done through this framework. Eventually the disease became endemic and was seen as a normal part of life, particularly childhood. Surviving smallpox was seen as one of the challenges a child passed through on their way to adulthood, should they live to do so (and, obviously, in pre-modern China, few assumed that a child would live to adulthood.) In the mid-Ming dynasty, the situation changed with the development of variolation, an immunization method created by the Chinese. The process spread and became more popular over the next few centuries. Ultimately, the West learned about immunization techniques, largely from the Turks and some, such as Needham, argue that the Chinese may have learned the technique from the Turks. The West improved the technique, however, and brought it back to China. Today smallpox has been eradicated in nature, and only exists in laboratories. Nevertheless, it still inspires fear and interest in smallpox immunization techniques is still widespread.

ENDNOTES

---

[1] Pages 4-6, Johnathan B. Tucker, editor and  author of the introduction, “Introduction”to Toxic Terror –Assessing Terrorist Use of Chemical and Biological Weapons, 2000, Monterey Institute of International Studies,  MIT Press, Cambridge MA.

 

[2] Although it lies far outside the scope of this paper, since smallpox is a potential bioterrorism weapon, and since terrorists have been known to use suicide attacks as a tactic, one means by which a terrorist organization might induce an outbreak of smallpox upon a target is to simply infect a person, presumably a volunteer willing to die for “their cause,” and then have that person travel to the area where they wish an outbreak to occur.

See Page 65,  E.Bush-Petersen, “Smallpox- Preparing for the Emergency,” pages 57-67, in Ellipse, 18(3):57-68, 2002. found on-line at http://www.baxter.de/fachkreise/bioterrorismus/Baxter_Ellipse_Smallpox.pdf

[3] Stephan L. Foster and L.Brian Cross, 11/05/02, “Smallpox ---the immunization connection,” in Welcome to U.S.Pharmacist,  on line publication at http://uspharmacist.com/index.asp?show=article&page=8_997.htm

[4] Page 58,  E.Bush-Petersen, “Smallpox- Preparing for the Emergency,” pages 57-67, in Ellipse, 18(3):57-68, 2002. found on-line at http://www.baxter.de/fachkreise/bioterrorismus/Baxter_Ellipse_Smallpox.pdf

 

[5] Pages 70-71, Robert A. DeLorenzo and Robert S. Porter. 2000. Weapons of Mass Destruction –Emergency Care, Brady,Prentice Hall Health, Upper Sadddle River, New Jersey.

 

[6] Page 59,  E.Bush-Petersen, “Smallpox- Preparing for the Emergency,” pages 57-67, in Ellipse, 18(3):57-68, 2002. found on-line at http://www.baxter.de/fachkreise/bioterrorismus/Baxter_Ellipse_Smallpox.pdf

 

[7] Stephan L. Foster and L.Brian Cross, 11/05/02, “Smallpox ---the immunization connection,” in Welcome to U.S.Pharmacist,  on line publication at http://uspharmacist.com/index.asp?show=article&page=8_997.htm

[8] Page 24, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[9] Pages 70-71, Robert A. DeLorenzo and Robert S. Porter. 2000. Weapons of Mass Destruction –Emergency Care, Brady,Prentice Hall Health, Upper Sadddle River, New Jersey.

[10] Page 58,  E.Bush-Petersen, “Smallpox- Preparing for the Emergency,” pages 57-67, in Ellipse, 18(3):57-68, 2002. found on-line at http://www.baxter.de/fachkreise/bioterrorismus/Baxter_Ellipse_Smallpox.pdf

[11] Pages 70-71, Robert A. DeLorenzo and Robert S. Porter. 2000. Weapons of Mass Destruction –Emergency Care, Brady,Prentice Hall Health, Upper Sadddle River, New Jersey.

[12] Page 23, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[13] Page 30, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[14] Page 24, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[15] Page 24, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[16] Page 24, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[17] Page 25, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[18] Page 24-27, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[19] Page 177, Chang Chia-feng, 2002. "Disease and its impact on Politics, Diplomacy, and the Military: The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus (1613-1795)," in "The Journal of the History of Medicine," Vol. 57, April 2002,. Pages 177-197.

[20] Page 30-31, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[21] Page 30, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[22] Page 31-32, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[23] Page 36, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[24] Page 2, Joseph Needham, 1980. China and the origins of immunization,  Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.

[25] Page 36, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

[26] Page 7, Dominik Wujastyk no date,  “The reception of Western Medicine in China.”  Online essay

 at http://www.ucl.ac.uk/histmed/PDFS/Teaching/BSc/C123/C123-Lecture9.pdf/

[27] Page 6-7, Joseph Needham, 1980. China and the origins of immunization,  Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.

[28] Page 178, Chang Chia-feng, 2002. "Disease and its impact on Politics, Diplomacy, and the Military: The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus (1613-1795)," in "The Journal of the History of Medicine," Vol. 57, April 2002,. Pages 177-197.

[29] Page 178 ff, Chang Chia-feng, 2002. "Disease and its impact on Politics, Diplomacy, and the Military: The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus (1613-1795)," in "The Journal of the History of Medicine," Vol. 57, April 2002,. Pages 177-197.

[30] Page 18, from “Chung Tou Hsin Shu” by Chang Yen quoted in Joseph Needham, 1980. China and the origins of immunization,  Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.

Needham states that this book was written in 1941 A.D. but this may be a typo. On the same page he compares this to “other eighteenth century texts” and states that the description is quite close to that of many eighteenth century texts that describe variolation practices

[31] Page 18-19, Joseph Needham, 1980. China and the origins of immunization,  Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.

[32] Page 36, Chia-feng Chang, ”Dispersing the Foetal Toxin of the Body: Conceptions of smallpox aetiology in Pre-Modern China,” in Contagion –Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies, Edited by Lawrence I Conrad and Dominik Wujastyk, 2000, Ashgate, England.

.

[33] Page 180, Chang Chia-feng, 2002. "Disease and its impact on Politics, Diplomacy, and the Military: The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus (1613-1795)," in "The Journal of the History of Medicine," Vol. 57, April 2002,. Pages 177-197.

[34] Page 178, Chang Chia-feng, 2002. "Disease and its impact on Politics, Diplomacy, and the Military: The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus (1613-1795)," in "The Journal of the History of Medicine," Vol. 57, April 2002,. Pages 177-197.

[35] Page 178, Chang Chia-feng, 2002. "Disease and its impact on Politics, Diplomacy, and the Military: The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus (1613-1795)," in "The Journal of the History of Medicine," Vol. 57, April 2002,. Pages 177-197.

[36] Page 410, Sayili, Aydin M. Turkish Medicine, Turkish Medicine, by Aydin M. Sayili
Isis © 1937 The History of Science Society
Published by The University of Chicago Press

Pages 403-414. Sayili, Aydin M. Turkish Medicine, Turkish Medicine, by Aydin M. Sayili
Isis © 1937 The History of Science Society
Published by The University of Chicago Press

[37] Page 28-19, Joseph Needham, 1980. China and the origins of immunization,  Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.

[38] Page 3, Joseph Needham, 1980. China and the origins of immunization,  Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.

[39] Page 4, Joseph Needham, 1980. China and the origins of immunization,  Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.

This is a widely repeated story and is also found, with more details, at Page 60,  E.Bush-Petersen, “Smallpox- Preparing for the Emergency,” pages 57-67, in Ellipse, 18(3):57-68, 2002. found on-line at http://www.baxter.de/fachkreise/bioterrorismus/Baxter_Ellipse_Smallpox.pdf

[40] Page 4-5, Joseph Needham, 1980. China and the origins of immunization,  Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.

[41] Page 6, Dominik Wujastyk no date,  “The reception of Western Medicine in China.”  Online essay

 at http://www.ucl.ac.uk/histmed/PDFS/Teaching/BSc/C123/C123-Lecture9.pdf

[42] Page 6, Dominik Wujastyk no date,  “The reception of Western Medicine in China.”  Online essay

 at http://www.ucl.ac.uk/histmed/PDFS/Teaching/BSc/C123/C123-Lecture9.pdf/

[43] Page 6, Dominik Wujastyk no date,  “The reception of Western Medicine in China.”  Online essay

 at http://www.ucl.ac.uk/histmed/PDFS/Teaching/BSc/C123/C123-Lecture9.pdf

Wujastyk does not state where this quote originally came from and I was not able to learn myself before deadline.

[44] Page 6, Dominik Wujastyk no date,  “The reception of Western Medicine in China.”  Online essay

 at http://www.ucl.ac.uk/histmed/PDFS/Teaching/BSc/C123/C123-Lecture9.pdf

[45] Page 7, Dominik Wujastyk no date,  “The reception of Western Medicine in China.”  Online essay

 at http://www.ucl.ac.uk/histmed/PDFS/Teaching/BSc/C123/C123-Lecture9.pdf